2025 Will Be Wild!

2025 promises to be a disruptive year in higher education and society, not just in DC but across the US. While some now can see two demographic downturns, worsening climate conditions, and a Department of Education in transition, there are other less predictable and lesser-known trends and developments that we hope to cover at the Higher Education Inquirer. 

The Trump Economy

Folks are expecting a booming economy in 2025. Crypto and AI mania, along with tax cuts and deregulation, mean that corporate profits should be enormous. The Roaring 2020s will be historic for the US, just as the 1920s were, with little time and thought spent on long-range issues such as climate change and environmental destruction, economic inequality, or the potential for an economic crash.  

A Pyramid, Two Cliffs, a Wall and a Door  

HEI has been reporting about enrollment declines since 2016.  Smaller numbers of younger people and large numbers of elderly Baby Boomers and their health and disability concerns spell trouble ahead for states who may not consider higher education a priority. We'll have to see how Republican promises for mass deportations turn out, but just the threats to do so could be chaotic. There will also be controversies over the Trump/Musk plan to increase the number of H1B visas.  

The Shakeup at ED

With Linda McMahon at the helm of the Department of Education, we should expect more deregulation, more cuts, and less student loan debt relief. Mike Rounds has introduced a Senate Bill to close ED, but the Bill does not appear likely to pass. Diversity, Equity, and Inclusion (DEI) efforts may take a hit. However, online K12 education, robocolleges, and surviving online program managers could thrive in the short run.   

Student Loan Debt 

Student loan debt is expected to rise again in 2025. After a brief respite from 2020 to late 2024, and some receiving debt forgiveness, untold millions of borrowers will be expected to make payments that they may not be able to afford. How this problem affects an otherwise booming economy has not been receiving much media attention. 

Policies Against Diversity, Equity, and Inclusion

This semester at highly selective institutions, Black first-year student enrollment dropped by 16.9 percent. At MIT, the percentage of Black students decreased from 15 percent to 5 percent. At Harvard Law School, the number of Black law students has been cut by more than half.  Florida, Texas, Alabama, Iowa and Utah have banned diversity, equity and inclusion (DEI) offices at public universities. Idaho, Indiana and Kansas have prohibited colleges from requiring diversity statements in hiring and admissions. The resistance so far has been limited.

Failing Schools and Strategic Partnerships 

People should expect more colleges to fail in the coming months and years, with the possibility that the number of closures could accelerate. Small religious schools are particularly vulnerable. Colleges may further privatize their operations to save money and make money in an increasingly competitive market.

Campus Protests and Mass Surveillance

Protests may be limited out of fear of persecution, even if there are a number of legitimate issues to protest, to include human induced climate change, genocide in Palestine, mass deportations, and the resurgence of white supremacy. Things could change if conditions are so extreme that a critical mass is willing to sacrifice. Other issues, such as the growing class war, could bubble up. But mass surveillance and stricter campus policies have been emplaced at elite and name brand schools to reduce the odds of conflict and disruption.

The Legitimization of Robocollege Credentials    

Online higher education has become mainstream despite questions of its efficacy. Billions of dollars will be spent on ads for robocolleges. Religious robocolleges like Liberty University and Grand Canyon University should continue to grow and more traditional religious schools continue to shrink. University of Southern Hampshire, Purdue Global and Arizona Global will continue to enroll folks with limited federal oversight.  Adult students at this point are still willing to take on debt, especially if it leads to job promotions where an advanced credential is needed. 

Apollo Global Management is still working to unload the University of Phoenix. The sale of the school to the Idaho Board of Education or some other state organization remains in question.

AI and Cheating 

AI will continue to affect society, promising to add more jobs and threatening to take others.  One less visible way AI affects society is in academic cheating.  As long as there have been grades and competition, students have cheated.  But now it's become an industry. Even the concept of academic dishonesty has changed over the years. One could argue that cheating has been normalized, as Derek Newton of the Cheat Sheet has chronicled. Academic research can also be mass produced with AI.   

Under the Radar

A number of schools, companies, and related organizations have flown under the radar, but that could change. This includes Maximus and other Student Loan Servicers, Guild Education, EducationDynamics, South University, Ambow Education, National American University, Perdoceo, Devry University, and Adtalem. 

Related links:

Survival of the Fittest

The Coming Boom 

The Roaring 2020s and America's Move to the Right

Austerity and Disruption

Dozens of Religious Schools Under Department of Education Heightened Cash Monitoring

Shall we all pretend we didn't see it coming, again?: higher education, climate change, climate refugees, and climate denial by elites

The US Working-Class Depression: "Let's all pretend we couldn't see it coming."

Tracking Higher Ed’s Dismantling of DEI (Erin Gretzinger, Maggie Hicks, Christa Dutton, and Jasper Smith, Chronicle of Higher Education). 

South University's Accreditor Takes School Off Warning Status

South University has been given a clean bill of health by its regional accreditor, the Southern Association of Colleges and Schools Commission on Colleges (SACSCOC). This week, SACS removed the school from Warning status and reaffirmed accreditation for the school for 10 years. The accreditor also requested a Monitoring Report within six (6) months.

According to a South University press release issued today: 

Dr. Steven Yoho, Chancellor of South University, expressed his pride in the university's achievement. "This renewed accreditation is a testament to the dedication and hard work of our faculty, staff, and students. It reflects our ongoing commitment to providing transformative and quality student outcomes that prepare them for success in a rapidly evolving world. We are proud to maintain the highest standards in academic quality and student support, and this accreditation reinforces our position as a leader in higher education."  

Additional Intel from HEI

South University has been profitable lately, and currently has more assets than liabilities, but it is facing a $36M balloon payment from a $50M Main Street Loan due in December 2025. Main Street Loans cannot be forgiven, and a $36M payment might be difficult to pay out so quickly. SACS is well aware of this impending payment.  Admittedly, the latest posted finances are almost two years old.  We look forward to seeing more up-to-date finances when the latest IRS 990 is posted. 

South could seek another lender to pay off the Main Street Loan. It could also renegotiate its contracts, reduce staffing, and sell off various assets to continue operating. By moving students online, South University could also reduce costs and consolidate operations. It may also be able to increase revenues through increased enrollment and grants.   

For a number of years, the US Department of Education has had South University on Heightened Cash Monitoring 1 for disbursement of federal student aid funds.

We have reached out to South University for comment, but have not received a response as of this publishing date.  HEI is also waiting on a Freedom of Information (FOIA) request regarding Borrower Defense to Repayment claims, which at some point the school could be liable for.  

South University currently educates about 10,000 students, with an estimated 7700 participating online. South also has ground campuses in Atlanta (GA), Virginia Beach (VA), Glen Allen (VA), Round Rock (TX), Columbia (SC), High Point (NC), Montgomery (AL), Orlando (FL), Savannah (GA), Tampa (FL), and Palm Beach (FL).  The school has been in operation since 1899. 

Owners of Shuttered For-Profit Hussian College Sue ex-CEO, Charging Embezzlement (David Halperin)

The owners of shuttered for-profit Hussian College have sued the school’s former president and CEO, Jeremiah Staropoli, seeking $162 million in damages and penalties and claiming that Staropoli and close associates in the company embezzled funds and then conspired to cover up the alleged misdeeds.

On September 5, father-and-son Hussian owners David and Joshua Figuli sued Staropoli, other former Hussian employees, and two lending companies in Pennsylvania state court, alleging a racketeering conspiracy, fraud, embezzlement, and other abuses. The lending companies, contending there was a basis for federal court jurisdiction, removed the case from the state court to the U.S. District Court in Philadelphia.

While the companies and some of the former employees have filed answers to the complaint or moved to dismiss the case, Staropoli has not responded. In a recent court filing, the Figulis say they have tried to serve Staropoli with the complaint seven times and that Staropoli “appears to be evading service.”

Staropoli did not respond to a request for comment from Republic Report. The Figuli’s attorney also did not respond.

The Hussian closure

Hussian College, founded in Philadelphia in 1946, closed in summer 2023. At the time it shut down, Hussian had hundreds of students at campuses in Pennsylvania, Ohio, Tennessee, and California, plus online offerings, and taught programs in business, information technology, criminal justice, health sciences, and the arts. Hussian, in 2018, had expanded by taking over Tennessee-based for-profit Daymar College, a school that had in 2015 agreed to a $12.4 million settlement to end a lawsuit, alleging deceptive practices, brought by Kentucky’s attorney general.

For academic year 2021-22, the last year for which the U.S. Department of Education published data on the school, Hussian received $14.8 million in federal student aid dollars from the Department — about 74 percent of the school’s revenue.

In June 2022, accrediting agency ACCSC, the gatekeeper for the schools’ eligibility for federal student grants and loans, had put all the Hussian and Daymar campuses on system-wide warning, citing concerns about student achievement at the schools. But ACCSC removed the warning and renewed Hussian’s accreditation in December 2022.

The Figulis announced the closure in June 2023, two weeks after Joshua Figuli informed Hussian students by email that the school’s board of directors had replaced Staropoli because it had “lost confidence in his leadership.” Figuli wrote in a separate email to faculty and staff that a “gut-wrenching process of discovery” had produced “shockingly revealing” information about the state of the school under Staropoli.

Around the time of the announced closure, more than 15 Hussian faculty, staff, students, and parents spoke with Republic Report. They told me that Hussian repeatedly had been pressed by vendors for extended and blatant failures to pay its bills, that students had not been receiving federal aid disbursements in a timely manner, that Hussian owed money to many students, and that Hussian was enrolling new students even as it was about to close.

One Hussian employee at the time reported to me evidence of financial misconduct, improper expenses, and computer access manipulation by Staropoli. The employee also said that Joshua Figuli, who stepped in as CEO when Staropoli was dismissed, was failing to respond to calls and emails from students and staff who were trying to find out what was going on.



The lawsuit’s allegations

The lawsuit filed in September by the Figulis places the blame for Hussian’s collapse squarely on Staropoli, who joined Hussian as CEO in 2017, and a group of employees he brought in. The Figulis admit to knowing that Staropoli had past ties to some of these employees, but they claim the ties turned out to be much deeper than Staropoli told them, including, they allege, one employee engaged, before and after being hired, in an apparent romantic relationship with Staropoli. The Figulis allege that Staropoli caused Hussian to pay large and unwarranted bonuses to these favored employees, and even allowed one of them to work for Hussian while remaining on the payroll of a competitor school.

The Figulis also allege that Staropoli conspired with the two lending companies to make deals behind their backs and that Staropoli created fake email addresses for the Figulis so that he, not they, would receive confirmation of the deals.

The Figulis say that under Staropoli’s leadership, Hussian was failing to return to the government millions in unearned federal and state student aid, as required by law, and that Staropoli was concealing from them the schools’ “dire state of cash flow” and its failure, also, to transmit hundreds of thousands owed to students.

And they allege that school money was used to pay for Staropoli’s family and friends to vacation in Orlando and Nashville; for charges from Staropoli’s country club in Delaware; for tuition payments to Drexel University for one of the favored employees, despite that same employee ending Hussian’s tuition reimbursement policy; for “nondescript transfers to VENMO”; and more.

The Figulis claim that the alleged improper actions of Staropoli and other defendants induced them “to provide loans, advance costs, provide capital infusions, forego collections, and execute guarantees that summed to total direct losses in excess of $6,948,110.93.”

The two lending companies have moved to dismiss the case, one former employee has done the same, and another former employee filed an answer to the complaint. But former employee Steven Wojslaw, according to a filing by the Figulis, was served but has not filed any response.

Wojslaw filed his own lawsuit against Hussian in 2022, after he apparently put his own money into the company. When he was terminated, he sued to get the money back. That case was settled. Meanwhile, Velocity Capital Group, one of the lenders the Figulis have now sued, filed last year its own lawsuit in New York against Hussian and the Figulis, seeking its investment back. The Figulis have filed a counterclaim in that lawsuit.

In their new case against Starapoli, Velocity, and the others, the Figulis filed a motion on December 2 seeking permission to amend their original complaint to clarify, add, and withdraw certain claims, in part to respond to the motions to dismiss.

Who is Jeremiah Staropoli?

A former employee says information that the company learned around the time the Figulis forced out Staropoli came as “a giant shock” to the company. “It was insane,” this ex-employee says. “There were multiple victims: the Figulis, but also the staff, the students, and the government.” The ex-employee asks, “Why don’t people go to prison” when they “destroy so many lives?” This employee says that, as the school struggled, many employees believed the Figulis were the enemy, who wouldn’t invest enough money and time “to help Staropoli save the company,” but that the facts in the new lawsuit tell a different story.

Jeremiah Staropoli is a former president of the Towson, Maryland, campus of Brightwood College, a for-profit chain owned by now-collapsed Education Corporation of America. He also previously worked for the for-profit college operations Kaplan and DeVry. According to his LinkedIn page, he also was previously president of the Kentucky-based The Keeling Group, an IT consulting firm “specializing in custom software development, cloud consulting, network integration and higher education regulatory compliance solutions.”

Staropoli also was once listed as part of the management team of a fledgling coding bootcamp operation owned by the Figulis called AcademicIQ, but that business apparently never took off. Hussian College and AcademicIQ shared an address on Spring Garden Street in Philadelphia, along with a campus of non-profit Harrisburg University. David Figuli until recently served on the Harrisburg University board of trustees.

Hussian also has a connection to Colbeck Capital Management, slippery operators of campuses of the Art Institutes (now closed) and South University (still open) that were acquired in the wake of the collapse of Dream Center Education Holdings. Hussian acquired the Los Angeles-based Studio School, in which Colbeck had been an investor, and renamed the school Hussian College Los Angeles; Staropoli told me in 2019 that Colbeck-backed Studio Enterprise remained “a service provider” to the school.

The mess at Hussian seems to be just the latest example of how the federal investment in for-profit colleges often ends up as waste, fraud, and abuse — with taxpayers ripped off, students locked out in the cold, and some for-profit executives walking away with cash and fancy perqs. The for-profit college industry, recalling the lax enforcement in the first Trump term under Secretary of Education Betsy Devos, is salivating at the impending restoration of the leader of scam Trump University as leader of the United States. But, if it has any integrity at all, the new department that Elon Musk is supposedly setting up for Trump — committed to rooting out federal government waste, fraud, and abuse — should investigate this industry promptly.

[Editor's note: This article originally appeared on Republic Report.] 

How much will global economic and political forces affect international enrollment in 2025?

Elite and brand name universities serve the world's elite. But how much will global economic and political forces affect US higher education in 2025? More than one million foreign students attend higher education institutions in the US, but those numbers could change. 

There are several ongoing developments that could affect the influx of international students in 2025. This includes problems with the political economy in Asia (China, South Korea) and in Europe (the UK, Germany, and France). 

Trade wars, which incoming President Trump has threatened, could also affect enrollment. And deportations of Muslim students, including those who have protested the war in the Middle East, could create a chilling effect on student in-migration. 

Indian students are already the largest group coming into the US and they serve as a major pipeline for the tech industry and medicine, and that is unlikely to change in the near future. 

 

(KTLA Video) International students at the University of Southern California are being urged to return to the US before the Trump Administration gains power. 

How might we do climate action in academia under a second Trump administration? (Bryan Alexander)

With the reelection of Donald Trump, a candidate who has flaunted his desire for autocracy—aided and abetted by a Republican-controlled Congress that will not constrain him with guardrails—the United States is now poised to become an authoritarian state ruled by plutocrats and fossil fuel interests. It is now, in short, a petrostate.

–professor Michael Mann, Bulletin of Atomic Scientists

How can we do climate crisis work within the higher education ecosystem under a second Trump administration?

With today’s post I’d like to explore strategic options in the present and near future. This is for everyone, but I’ll conclude with some self-reflection. My focus here will be on the United States, yet not exclusively so.

(I’ve been tracking possibilities for a Trump return for a while. Here’s the most recent post.)
Climate change under Trump: pressures on higher education

To begin with, the threat is that president Trump will undo federal support for climate action across the board (for evidence of this, see statements in Agenda 47, Project 2025, and elsewhere). Beyond the federal government, Trump can cause spillover effects at state and local levels. This should strengthen red states, counties, and cities in anti-climate policies and stances.

That governmental change will likely have direct impacts on higher education. About two thirds of American colleges and universities are public, meaning state-owned and -directed and therefore quite exposed to political pressures. Academics working in those institutions will be vulnerable to those forces, depending on their situation (institutional type, what a government actually does, the structural supports for units and individuals). How many academics – faculty, staff, students – will be less likely to undertake or support climate action? Will senior administrators be similarly disinclined to take strategic direction for climate purposes?

Beyond governments, how would the return of Trump to national power, complete with Republican control of Congress and the Supreme Court, shape private entities in their academic work? I’m thinking here of non-governmental funders, such as foundations, along with the many businesses which work with post-secondary education (publishers, ed tech companies, food service, etc.). Researchers studying global warming might have a harder time getting grants. Some funders might back off of academics doing climate work of all kinds. This can impact private as well as public academic institutions.

On the international side, Trump’s promised withdrawal from the Paris agreement and his repeated dismissal of climate change might make it harder for American academics to connect with global partners. Without simplifying too much, non-American academics might find Trump 2.0 an extra barrier to partnering with peers in the United States, especially if their national or local governments also took up anti-climate positions. International businesses developing decarbonization goods and services might step back from a newly Trumpified America (here’s one recent example).

Beyond those entities we should expect various forms of cultural resistance to climate work. Leaders from Trump and Vance on down can stir up popular attitudes and actions; the anti-immigrant focus on Springfield, Ohio gives one example. Politically-engaged individuals can challenge, threaten, or attack academics whom they see as doing harmful actions along climate lines.

On the other hand, academics might draw support from governments, businesses, nonprofits, and individuals who resist MAGA and seek to pursue climate goals. We could see governmental climate energies devolve below the federal level to states and below. Hypothetically, a professor in, say, California or Vermont might fare better than peers in Texas or South Carolina.

To be fair, political boundaries might not be cut and dried. Climate disasters might change minds. Republicans who benefit from the surviving pieces of Biden’s Inflation Reduction Act might decide not to oppose academics doing climate work. The low costs of solar can trump (as it were) ideology. And insurance companies seem likely to continue their forceful actions of denying coverage and increasing fees in especially endangered areas.

I’ve been speaking of the academic population as a whole, but we should bear in mind the district experience of campus leaders (presidents, chancellors, system administrators, provosts, vice presidents, deans) in this situation. They play a decisive role in supporting climate action through setting strategic directions, developing programs, and, of course, providing funding. In my experience of researching academic climate action and thinking I’ve found this population to be, all too often, resistant to the idea for a variety of reasons: perceived lack of faculty interest; concerns about board/state government politics; anxieties about community response; fears of financial challenges. Then the Gaza protests happened and campus leaders seem to me even more nervous about taking public stances. How will they act under a new Trump administration?

Recall that politicians can bypass those leaders. The recent Texas A&M story is illustrative in this regard. A state politician decided that the university should no longer offer a LGBTQ studies minor. Campus faculty and its president refused to end the program, but the institution’s board unilaterally terminated it. It’s easy to imagine parallel cases for climate activity, from offering a sustainability degree to overhauling buildings to reduce their carbon footprint, only to be met by a politician’s enmity.
Academic options and possibilities

So what can we do now?

One option is for those doing climate work to just keep on doing it, damning the torpedoes. After all, climate action has historically elicited blowback and hostility, so Trump 2.0 is nothing new. Perhaps it’s a difference in kind, not degree. Academics who see themselves having institutional or other backing (tenure, private funding, benefactors) may just continue. Some might relish the prospect of a public fight.

The public/private divide might be a powerful one. Being employed by, or taking classes at, a state university makes climate politics potentially powerful, even dispositive. Blue states might double down on climate action, which could take the form of new regulations forcing campuses to decarbonize more rapidly or to include global warming in general education. Red states, in contrast, can disincentivize faculty, staff, and students from the full range of climate action, making teaching, research, campus operational changes more difficult, even dangerous.

In contrast, academics affiliated with private colleges and universities might enjoy greater political latitude, at least in terms of direct governmental authority. Some might find themselves constrained by their non-governmental institutional affiliations – i.e., by their churches, if they’re a religious school. Economic and cultural pressures can also hit academics in private institutions. That said, we could see private campuses take a leading role compared with their public colleagues.

What new forms might academic climate action take?

We could well see new informal support networks appear, perhaps quietly, perhaps openly. This could take place via a variety of technological frameworks, from Discord to email. People involved will need others working on the same lines. There are already some formal networks, like AASHE and Second Nature. They might serve as bulwarks against hostility. We could also see new nonprofits form to support academic climate action.

Another tactic might be to establish a for-profit company to do climate work. This might sound strange, but businesses often appeal to the famously business-friendly GOP. An LLC or S-corp doing climate work in higher education could look less Green New Deal-y.

Will we see academics become more public in their climate research, perhaps participating in government lobbying, civic demonstrations, or more? After all, four more years of Trump means we will see increased American greenhouse gas emissions. The crisis is worsening, and that fact might engage more faculty, staff, and students to resist. Perhaps campuses will become centers or hubs of all kinds of climate action.

Furthermore, we might see more direct action. American colleges and universities have seen little of this so far, as opposed to European institutions. There have been some initial, tentative signs of this outside of the academy, like Just Stop Oil spray painting an American embassy in the United Kingdom.



Might we see American students, staff, faculty letting the air out of SUVs, damaging oil infrastructure, pie-ing fossil fuel company executives, or more?

A very different tactic for academics to consider is to be stealthy in order to avoid hostile attention. Not talking about one’s new climate class on social media, not sharing global warming research on TikTok, not doing a public talk in the community might be appealing tactics. Similarly, scholars might avoid publishing in open access journals in favor of those behind high paywalls. We could organize using private messaging apps, like Signal.

We could also stop. We might judge the moment too dangerous to proceed. Think about the largest population of faculty, adjuncts, who have so little workplace protections. They might deem it safer to go dark for a few years until things are less dangerous. Consider academics in various forms of marginalization – by race, religion, gender, professional position – as well as those with non-academic pressures (financial, familial). How many of us will pause this work for the time being?

Those academics who are committed to climate work are thinking about such choices now. And some may be participating in conversations about these options.

Let me close on a moment of self-reflection.

I’ve been doing climate research for years as part of my overall work on higher education’s future. This has taken many forms, including a scholarly book, blog writing, teaching, and a lot of presentations, both in-person and virtual. I have been participating in several networks of like-minded folks. I’ve hosted and interviewed climate experts in various venues. Overall, I work climate change into nearly everything I do professionally.

Yet I am an independent, as some of you know. I do not have a tenured or full time academic position. I don’t have independent wealth backing me up. Doing climate work is increasingly risky. To the extent that people know my commitment, I might quietly lose work, allies, colleagues, supporters. I have seen some signs of this already. Similarly, the public nature of what I do opens me up to the possibility of public attacks. I have not yet experienced this.

My philosophy of work – heck, of life – is that it’s better when shared with other people, hence my longtime preference for sharing so much of what I do online. This makes my work better, I think. Yet now, with a new and energetic conservative administration in the country where I live and do most of my work, perhaps this is too risky. I’ve already received advice to run dark, to do climate and other work underground.

Or maybe this is me overthinking things, starting at shadows. These are possibilities, each contingent on many factors and developments in a sprawling and complex academic ecosystem. We could see versions of all of the above playing out at the same time. Some presidents may boldly lead their institutions into accelerated climate action, while others forbid faculty and staff from any such activity. Some professors may launch new climate-focused classes while others delay teaching theirs for years. Staff members in a blue state might set up organic farms and push for fossil fuel vehicle parking fees, while others focus on other topics and keep their heads down. Some of us will make content for public view while others head underground.

Everything I know about climate change tells me this is a vast, civilization-wide crisis which humanity is struggling to apprehend, and that academia can play a significant role in addressing it if we choose to do so. Today I do not feel comfortable advising individuals on what each person should best do in this new political era. But I want to place the options before the public for discussion, to the extent people feel they should participate.

I hope I can keep doing this work. It needs to be done.

(thanks to the Hechinger Report and many friends including Karen Costa and Joe Murphy)

 

 

Bryan Alexander is an award–winning, internationally known futurist, researcher, writer, speaker, consultant, and teacher, working in the field of higher education’s future. He is currently a senior scholar at Georgetown University.  This article was originally published at BryanAlexander.org.

November 2024 HELU Chair’s Message (Mia McIver, Higher Education Labor United)

Dear HELU Members and Friends,

During our November 2024 General Assembly meeting, HELU delegates from around the country took stock of our current situation. Higher ed staff, student workers, contingent faculty, and tenure-line faculty from public and private institutions, from community colleges, state schools, and research universities, put their heads together to analyze the challenges ahead. The voices of HELU did not underestimate the threats to higher education and organized labor that are on the horizon but also expressed enormous resolve to continue organizing expansively.

As Rebecca Givan, the Chair of HELU’s Politics and Policy Committee, put it so well, we are now free to develop the most ambitious and uncompromising campaigns for higher education. It’s clear that the second Trump administration will deepen the polycrisis that has snarled together adjunctification, individual debt, institutional debt, soaring health care costs, deportations of undocumented students and workers, artificial intelligence replacing human labor, department and program cuts and closures, decertification of higher ed unions, campus administrators’ profound repression of workers’ and students’ voices, and federal dollars flowing to war instead of to education. It’s clear that these interlocking problems flow from federal and state disinvestment that has left our colleges and universities radically underfunded. It’s also clear that none of us in HELU is interested in hopelessness, dormancy, or quiescence.

Everywhere we look, we see organizing models that teach and inspire us. At the University of California, service, patient care, research, and technical workers from three bargaining units struck for two days over unfair labor practices. At the University of Connecticut, grad workers and tenure-stream faculty beat back austerity to save programs and jobs. At Portland State, four unions joined in coalition to demand that their Board of Trustees stop job cuts and treat unions fairly.

And HELU hosted two linked events on organizing campaigns in non-collective bargaining contexts. Higher ed activists from Alabama, Arizona, Colorado, Georgia, Illinois, Indiana, Maryland, North Carolina, South Carolina, Texas, and Washington shared with us their victories, struggles, and lessons learned. Event participants came away from the conversations with insight into successful organizing strategies and the confidence to pursue them even when the odds are stacked against us.

HELU’s National Coordinated Organizing Committee will continue working to build regional and state coalitions for bargaining and issue-based campaigns. Our Politics and Policy Committee will continue working on legislative and electoral strategies for federal and state reinvestment in our colleges and universities. I hope that your union will join HELU to advance this work and that you’ll contribute as a HELU delegate or at-large member.

List of Schools with Strong Indicators of Misconduct, Evidence for Borrower Defense Claims

Here (below) is a list of schools where there are strong indicia of misconduct, per the Department of Education and/or the Department of Justice. 

Student loan debtors who have attended these schools, and believe they were defrauded, are encouraged to file Borrower Defense to Repayment claims if they haven't already. 

More than 750,000 Borrower Defense fraud claims have been filed, and tens of thousands have resulted in debt forgiveness. Folks can also join the r/BorrowerDefense group on Reddit for support and guidance.  

Alta Colleges, Inc. (Westwood)

• Westwood College

American Commercial Colleges, Inc.

• American Commercial College

American National University

• American National University

Ana Maria Piña Houde and Marc Houde

• Anamarc College

Anthem Education Group (International Education Corporation)

• Anthem College
• Anthem Institute

Apollo Group

• University of Phoenix
• Western International University

ATI Enterprises

• ATI Career Training Center
• ATI College
• ATI College of Health
• ATI Technical Training Center

Baker College

B&H Education, Inc.

• Marinello School of Beauty

Berkeley College (NY)

• Berkeley College

Bridgepoint Education

• Ashford University
• University of the Rockies

Capella Education Company (Strategic Education, Inc.)

• Capella University

Career Education Corporation

• American InterContinental University
• Briarcliffe College
• Brooks College
• Brooks Institute
• Collins College
• Colorado Technical University
• Gibbs College
• Harrington College of Design
• International Academy of Design and Technology
• Katharine Gibbs School
• Le Cordon Bleu
• Le Cordon Bleu College of Culinary Arts
• Le Cordon Bleu Institute of Culinary Arts
• Lehigh Valley College
• McIntosh College
• Missouri College of Cosmetology North
• Pittsburgh Career Institute
• Sanford‐Brown College
• Sanford‐Brown Institute
• Brown College
• Brown Institute
• Washington Business School
• Allentown Business School
• Western School of Health and Business Careers
• Ultrasound Diagnostic Schools
• School of Computer Technology
• Al Collins Graphic Design School
• Orlando Culinary Academy
• Southern California School of Culinary Arts
• California Culinary Academy
• California School of Culinary Arts
• Pennsylvania Culinary Institute
• Cooking and Hospitality Institute of Chicago
• Scottsdale Culinary Institute
• Texas Culinary Academy
• Kitchen Academy
• Western Culinary Institute

Center for Employment Training

• Center for Employment Training

Center for Excellence in Higher Education (CEHE)

• California College San Diego
• CollegeAmerica
• Independence University
• Stevens‐Henager

Corinthian Colleges, Inc.

• American Motorcycle Institute
• Ashmead College
• Blair College
• Bryman College
• Bryman Institute
• CDI College
• Duff's Business Institute
• Eton Technical Institute
• Everest
• Everest University Online
• Everest College Phoenix
• Florida Metropolitan University
• Georgia Medical Institute
• Heald College
• Kee Business College
• Las Vegas College
• National Institute of Technology
• National School of Technology
• Olympia Career Training Institute
• Olympia College
• Parks College
• Rochester Business Institute
• Sequoia College
• Tampa College
• Western Business College
• WyoTech

Computer Systems Institute

• Computer Systems Institute

Court Reporting Institute, Inc.

• Court Reporting Institute

Cynthia Becher

• La' James College of Hairstyling
• La' James International College

David Pyle

• American Career College
• American Career Institute

Delta Career Education Corporation

• McCann School of Business & Technology
• Miami‐Jacobs Career College
• Miller Motte Business College
• Miller‐Motte College
• Miller‐Motte Technical College
• Tucson College

DeVry

• American University of the Caribbean
• Carrington College
• Chamberlain University
• DeVry College of Technology
• Devry Institute of Technology
• DeVry University
• Keller Graduate School of Management
• Ross University School of Veterinary Medicine
• Ross University School of Medicine

EDMC/Dream Center

• Argosy University
• The Art Institute (including The Art Institute of Atlanta, The Art Institute of California, and more)
• Brown Mackie College
• Illinois Institute of Art
• Miami International University of Art & Design
• New England Institute of Art
• South University
• Western State University College of Law

Education Affiliates (JLL Partners)

• All‐State Career School
• Fortis College
• Fortis Institute

Edudyne Systems Inc.

• Career Point College

Empire Education Group

• Empire Beauty School

Everglades College, Inc.

• Everglades University
• Keiser University

FastTrain

• FastTrain

Full Sail University

Globe Education Network

• Globe University
• Minnesota School of Business

Graham Holdings Company (Kaplan)

• Bauder College
• Kaplan Career Institute
• Kaplan College
• Mount Washington College
• Purdue University Global

Grand Canyon Education, Inc.

• Grand Canyon University

Infilaw Holding, LLC

• Arizona Summit Law School
• Charlotte School of Law
• Florida Coastal School of Law

International Education Corporation

• Florida Career College
• United Education Institute

ITT Educational Services Inc.

• ITT Technical Institute

JTC Education, Inc.

• Gwinnett College
• Medtech College
• Radians College

Laureate Education, Inc

• Walden University

Leeds Equity Partners V, L.P.

• Florida Technical College
• National University College
• NUC University

Liberty Partners

• Concorde Career College
• Concorde Career Institute

Lincoln Educational Services Corporation

• International Technical Institute
• Lincoln College of Technology
• Lincoln Technical Institute

Mark A. Gabis Trust

• Daymar College

Mission Group Kansas, Inc.

• Wright Business School
• Wright Career College

Premier Education Group L.P.

• American College for Medical Careers
• Branford Hall Career Institute
• Hallmark Institute of Photography
• Hallmark University
• Harris School of Business
• Institute for Health Education
• Micropower Career Institute
• Suburban Technical School
• Salter College

Quad Partners LLC

• Beckfield College
• Blue Cliff College
• Dorsey College

Remington University, Inc. (Remington College)

• Remington College

Southern Technical Holdings, LLC

• Southern Technical College

Star Career Academy

• Star Career Academy

Strayer University

Sullivan and Cogliano Training Center, Inc.

• Sullivan and Cogliano Training Centers

TCS Education System

• Chicago School of Professional Psychology

Vatterott Educational Centers, Inc.

• Court Reporting Institute of St Louis
• Vatterott College

Wilfred American Education Corp.

• Robert Fiance Beauty Schools
• Robert Fiance Hair Design Institute
• Robert Fiance Institute of Florida
• Wilfred Academy
• Wilfred Academy of Beauty Culture
• Wilfred Academy of Hair & Beauty Culture

Willis Stein & Partners (ECA)

• Brightwood Career Institute
• Brightwood College
• New England College of Business and Finance
• Virginia College